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中文核心期刊

北京话声调分布区的知觉研究

A perceptual study on the domain of tones in Beijing Mandarin

  • 摘要: 声调分布区问题是研究声调信息是由字音的整个带音部分,还是由其韵母或主要元音所携带。本文采用感知实验方法研究这个问题。从一位说北京话的男青年单说的"癌"、"矮"和"爱";"羊"、"养"和"样";"苗"、"秒"和"妙"及"前"、"浅"和"欠"切割得到的刺激声,由10位受试者作辨认实验,其结果表明,当字音F0曲线有明显的"弯头"和"降尾",单说的字音声调的音高感知与浊辅音声母或介音及鼻音韵尾或元音韵尾无关;甚至当字音F0曲线的"降尾"不明显,鼻音韵尾或元音韵尾与字音声调音高的感知也无关。调型段起始和末了部分中的F0也可能跟字音的声调音高无关。总而言之,对北京话单说的声调来说,不仅可以把浊辅音声母或介音,而且也可以把鼻音韵尾或元音韵尾排除在声调分布区之外,因而,北京话单说的声调信息主要由主要元音及其过渡携带。
    弯头段和降尾段里的F0不是人们特意产生的,人们特意产生的只是在调型段里的F0;浊辅音声母、介音、鼻音韵尾和元音韵尾跟声调无关,声调信息主要存在于主要元音(及其声学过渡)上,因此可以说,F0跟字音声调音高相联系的函数是不连续的;字音里的F0并不都能引起其声调音高的感知。

     

    Abstract: A perceptual experiment was conducted in which stimuli sliced from 12 Beijing Mandarin syllahles spoken in isolation were identified by 10 native speakers of Beijing dialect. The results of the experiment indicate that when the pre-onset or post-offset of a tone is extended to a large extent, the initial voiced consonant, the medial, the nasal coda, and the vocalic ending are not related to the tonal pitch; even when the post-offset is extended to a short extent, the nasal coda and the vocalic ending are neither related to the tonal pitch. Thus, with regard to the tonal domain of Beijing Mandarin monosyllable in isolation, not only the initial voiced consonant and medial, but also the nasal coda and the vocalic ending are excluded; in other words,the basic contour of Beijing Mandarin tone in isolation is mainly related to the syllabic vowel and its adjacent transition.
    Because F0 in the pre-onset and post-onset are not related to the tonal pitch, there is no exact match between F0 contour and tonal pitch.

     

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